Communist Critique of the Tempest Collective Statements of Purpose

Struggle from Below

The Tempest Collective sees the activity of the vast majority of the world’s population whose ability to work is their only means of survival as the crucial factor in building the socialist movement and The working class is the agent of social transformation – of ridding our society of capitalism, addressing the existential environmental catastrophe, and building a socialist society – if we can organize ourselves.

Struggle is the key vehicle through which the balance of class forces can shift and on which will be won. However popular policy reforms are, historically these have not been won without a mass-based movement that involves millions of ordinary people.

Mass struggle would also be the key to a revolutionary break with capitalism that starts a transition to ecosocialism. A transition to ecosocialism would have to be a liberatory process carried out by ordinary people themselves, running society through new radically democratic institutions.

Antiracism & Abolition

We are antiracists and abolitionists. The US working class has moved most forcefully and consistently when it has confronted racism, in particular anti-Black racism. We take this lesson seriously and If the socialist movement does not center the primacy of anti-oppression inside the working class, in all its diversity, it is not going to be effective. The George Floyd uprising was an important reminder of the power of Black-led resistance and how forcefully it can assert itself as a political actor, We see the anti-racist rebellion that took place in the summer of 2020 as the most important development of the current radicalization. Even with a movement still in development, its potential should not be underestimated.

Crucial to the politics of abolition is the recognition that the state under capitalism is a means of violent repression wielded to ensure the domination of the ruling class. In the U.S., prisons and police are indispensable tools of racist oppression. As socialists, we fight for the full abolition of the cops, the courts, the prisons, and the capitalist state.

Feminism & LGBTQ Liberation

Internationally, the feminist and gender justice movement is the leading edge of working class resistance. Structural gender oppression under capitalism shapes life and resistance in myriad ways. It has shown itself to be a potent vehicle for social transformation.

Standing against sexual violence, domestic violence, and femicide are questions of principle that socialists must develop ways of addressing – politically, but also organizationally, as very few groups can point to processes that have helped address grievances inside left organizations.

We demand full equality and liberation for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people and unequivocally oppose the attacks against transgender people, especially transgender women of color. The resurgence of trans-exclusionary feminism on the Left must be challenged. The project of revolutionary socialism aims to build a world based on sexual and gender freedom and self-determination.

Disability Justice

Capitalism both creates the category of disability and discriminates against the disabled on that basis. Capitalism privileges bodies that can labor in ways optimal to the production of profit for employers. The fight against oppression based on ability is thus inherently a struggle for working-class liberation and against the capitalist system.

But because disability oppression is endemic to capitalism and implicated in the carceral state, overcoming it requires a revolutionary abolitionist program. Tempest stands with the disability justice movement and its calls for intersectional, anti-capitalist politics and full equality and liberation for disabled people. In practice, we are committed to making spaces for meeting, organizing, and protesting fully accessible.

Electoral Strategy

but they are not the motor-force of change. Elections can help develop and spread demands, and project a socialist worldview. However, we do not believe that winning elections is the same thing as winning power or changing the balance of class forces. The capitalist state is an anti-worker apparatus that cannot simply be taken over by workers.

Independent Working Class Institutions

We believe the Democratic Party cannot be reformed or realigned. Every previous effort to do so has weakened and undercut our ability to build the type of struggle organizations that could transcend the

We are for an independent working class membership party and we are open to different tactics and roads to get us there. However, we insist that this strategy and process cannot be deferred down the line to a more favorable moment. we need to prepare for that now. Even people who support the Democrats over the Republicans in elections are more ready to criticize them and advocate a new party than ever before. Socialists should never be the people telling anyone who wants to break from the Democrats that they should stay inside. The socialist movement should be the home for those who yearn for

The key ingredient in the formation of new working class organizations and parties is heightened working class self-activity and struggle that raises expectations and makes millions feel that change is possible. The growth of working class organization should go hand in hand with the growth of all wings of the movement, including a revolutionary one. This is the pole of the movement we aim to contribute to building, with the goal of a strong and vibrant revolutionary current, front or organization.

Democracy

Flowing from the centrality of struggle and working class self-activity is an insistence on democracy. Democracy is relevant in multiple ways – from ensuring that our organizations are run by the membership, We believe that the weakness of the organized left goes hand in hand with a lack of organizations through which working class people can participate in political, workplace and community decisions. Whether it is a tenant group, a labor union, a BLM organization, etc, democracy and participation is a crucial factor to the development of working class institutions. The lifeblood of socialist organization, in particular, is a thriving democratic culture.

Labor Strategy

We see working class self-activity and democracy – We look to workers in their workplaces to organize themselves for their own interests, a rank-and-file labor strategy, which is a political and organizational orientation on the self-activity of workers inside the workers movement. We believe this will facilitate the creation of our goals more than a strategy of building influence through the labor bureaucracy or staffers in the existing unions. For us, the rank-and-file strategy is about much more than simply having socialists inside strategic sectors or getting union jobs. Through the development of a socialist wing of the workers movement, a strategy for class power can become a reality by overcoming the strategic impediments that have hamstrung the organized labor movement for decades.

Internationalism, Anti-Imperialism & Self Determination

We are internationalists. We support working class self activity in every country and oppose the borders that physically, violently, and ideologically divide workers from one another. We are always on the side of ordinary people in their quest for

We are principally opposed to imperialism, which we understand to be the manifestation of capitalist relations at the level of the nation-state. Imperialism is not an abstract concept, it is the inevitable outgrowth of a system built on profit and competition between capitalist states. As the economic crisis intensifies, so too will ramped up rivalries between different countries. Military activity is part of the package of attacks on working class people internationally.

We vehemently oppose US imperialism, which has destroyed the lives of our brothers and sisters across the world and has served as the justification for amped up islamophobia and xenophobia. We also hold a principled opposition to all imperial interests that are competing for international power. Instead of choosing sides with one imperial bloc over the other, we look to the strengthening of working class solidarity internationally as the central opposition to capitalism.

As socialists in the world’s biggest imperial power — in a country founded on settler-colonialism — we see our support for the struggles of indigenous, colonized and occupied people as a cornerstone of anti-imperialism. From Turtle Island to Palestine and beyond,


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2 responses to “Communist Critique of the Tempest Collective Statements of Purpose”

  1. Jacob Sloan Avatar
    Jacob Sloan

    What exactly is your plan? There’s a lot of invocations of a monolithic working class here, but you also suggest that struggle in the here and now, for possible gains, even if incomplete, for working people are “counter-revolutionary.” So, don’t work in the unions? Don’t engage in strikes? Don’t demand concessions from the capitalist state, even with the knowledge that these will always be both precarious and incomplete without revolution?

    Do you have a magic word of some sort? Without struggles that do actually win concessions, working people, who are mostly trying to just get through the day, aren’t going to buy your sloganeering.

    1. The Sonoran Internationalists Avatar
      The Sonoran Internationalists

      All great questions. First of all though, we do feel it important to clarify we are not claiming there is a monolithic working class, but rather that the working class, despite its many real differences created by the capitalist system will only be able to overthrow the system by acting as a unified class according to their unified class interests. (Such separation is of course created by the capitalist system in order to divide the class after all)
      What is Our Plan?
      Our plan is to prepare for the revolutionary wave created via the capitalist systems own logic of destruction so that we are ready to turn it into an actual transformation of society from capitalism to socialism, rather than a mere reorganization of capital. We prepare as such by developing a truly revolutionary program of communism, educating ourselves and other militant members of the working class, and defending that revolutionary program against the various anti-communist voices within the working class movement.
      Is the struggle in the here and now for possible gains, even if incomplete, counter-revolutionary?
      First, we would like to say that we believe communism is possible, as we are in fact communists. To us, working in the here and now means preparing to make that possibility realizable. Gains within capitalism (which are in fact concessions) are not in our conception good or bad on their own. What we argue against is not the presence of things such as food stamps or protections of rights for oppressed groups (which will at all times that the bourgeoisie feels them necessary to placate the working class), but the idea that it is the job of communists to advocate for such things to pass. Regardless of what we as communists do, the system will itself remain mostly unchanged. Our position is to be the voice that pushes further than the milieu of non-communist leftism and pushes for actual class struggle.
      Don’t work in the Unions? Don’t engage in strikes?
      We don’t work in unions for the same reason we don’t join the police to do their job in a kinder way or join the parliamentary system and spread socialism within their ranks, which is that they are all inherently reactionary anti-communist institutions. What this doesn’t mean is that we make no effort of contacting the workers themselves within unions, who as workers are of course the sole nexus of true social change. This to us means not simply “not working in unions” but actively working against unions (positioning ourselves further than them, not sabotaging them). In strikes, this means organizing outside of union lines, and connecting the issues at play to the issues of the wider class.
      Don’t demand concessions from the capitalist state?
      Yes. Doing as such actively perverts the doctrine of communism, and such opportunism has historically always led to parties becoming counter-revolutionary.
      How will we win over the class without winning concessions?
      Our job isn’t necessarily to win over the class or to make them communist. The class will themselves be made revolutionary by the processes of capital and crisis. For this reason, we do not seek to “meet the class where they’re at” so to say, but prepare for the revolutionary wave in which the class, emblazoned by the atrocities of capitalism, surpass where even we ourselves are now.

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